Washington, D.C.- Today, House Judiciary Chairman Jerrold Nadler (D-NY) released the following statement in response to President Donald Trump’s decision to hold the 2020 G7 Summit at Trump National Doral Miami, a potential violation of the Constitution’s Emoluments Clauses:
“The Administration’s announcement that President Trump’s Doral Miami resort will be the site of the next G7 summit is among the most brazen examples yet of the President’s corruption. He is exploiting his office and making official U.S. government decisions for his personal financial gain. The Emoluments Clauses of the Constitution exist to prevent exactly this kind of corruption. The Committee will continue investigating, litigating and legislating regarding these matters—including pressing for answers to our prior requests about the G7 selection process—but we will not allow this latest abuse of power to distract from Congress’ efforts to get to the bottom of the President’s interference in the 2020 election.”
Background: On September 6, 2019, the House Committee on Oversight and Reform and the House Committee on the Judiciary sent a series of letters requesting documents and other information regarding multiple efforts by the President, Vice President, and other Trump Administration officials to spend taxpayer funds at properties owned by the President in potential violation of the Constitution’s Emoluments Clauses.
Chairman Nadler and Rep. Steve Cohen, the Chairman of the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights, and Civil Liberties, sent a letter to the White House Counsel and Secret Service seeking information about President Trump’s recent promotion and solicitation of foreign and U.S. government business at Trump properties—including pushing the Trump National Doral Miami as the next venue to host the G7 Summit.
By Jesse Jackson
(TriceEdneyWire.com) – To decipher President Donald Trump’s presidency, apply the basic rule of politics: Follow the money. Last month, for example, Trump performed at rallies in North Carolina and in New Mexico. He entertained adoring crowds, clad in Trump’s MAGA caps and T-shirts.
The rallies got featured on Fox and other news stations. Then Trump flew to California and went to a series of big-dollar fundraisers that were closed to the public, pocketing what his campaign boasted as more than $15 million in campaign funding, largely from anonymous wealthy donors. This is only a small part of the record campaign war chest that the wealthy are building for Trump’s re-election campaign.
The press treats the overwhelmingly White, working class audiences at Trump’s rallies as his “base.” But they are more his marks than his base. The anonymous wealthy donors in California have a far better claim to be the base that he serves. The donors got the tax cuts; the working people at his rallies got health care cuts. The CEOs got the roll-back of clean water and clean air regulations; his rally audiences got the fouled water and more kids with emphysema. Big oil and coal executives got lavish public subsidies; teachers and parents got cuts in school funding. Big Agra got billions in payoffs to make up for Trump’s trade war; family farmers were casualties, many bankrupted by the loss of markets, with Wisconsin’s small farmers suffering the worst. Auto executives enjoyed record profits; auto workers suffered more layoffs and plant closings. The rich saw their wealth soar; working people faced rising prices in housing, health care, college, cars — with incomes that didn’t keep up. Trump brags on the record-low unemployment numbers, but the jobs too often don’t pay a living wage and Trump and Republicans won’t even allow a vote on raising the minimum wage.
Not surprisingly, workers are beginning to protest. GM autoworkers are involved in the largest strike in years. Teachers in red states across the country have gone on strike to demand greater investment in schools. Nurses are on strike for decent wages and better staffing of hospitals and clinics. Fast food and restaurant workers have led marches for a $15 minimum wage and a union. Young people are marching to protest Trump’s refusal to address the clear and present threat posed by catastrophic climate change.
Trump regales the crowds at his rallies with scurrilous attacks on his opponents, lies and tales about his accomplishments, and boasts about the economy. He panders to their fears, fanning racial division, railing against immigrants and Muslims and the homeless. He’s pugnacious, funny and outrageous. They know he’s a bad guy, but they think he’s their bad guy. And that is the con. The anonymous donors who are contributing record amounts to Trump’s campaign don’t wear MAGA hats. They don’t go to public rallies. They roll their eyes at Trump’s rambling rants and racial taunts. They aren’t on strike or in the streets. They are getting a great return on their investment and are happy to ante up again.
The Trump economy doesn’t work for most Americans, but it works for them. Trump keeps his promises — and his payoffs — to them. They know Trump is a grifter, but he’s their grifter. They are all in on the con.
Feb. 26 marked seven years since George Zimmerman went on what feels like a Liam Neeson-esque mission to take out the first Black person he could find.
It was then that he shot and killed 17-year-old Trayvon Martin, who by all accounts was minding his own business walking from a convenience store.
Martin’s death – magnified by social media outrage and a perpetual news cycle – changed the tapestry of how America looks at race relations, and especially our interactions with police.
Even as Zimmerman still walks the street a free man, the social and political ripples of Martin’s death are evident in a number of events since his untimely passing.
The Birth of Black Lives Matter
Black Lives Matter might not exist at all without Martin’s death: It started as a Twitter hashtag in its wake and morphed into a movement following the death-by-cops of Michael Brown and Eric Garner in 2014.
With Black Lives Matter protests in major cities all over the country, the movement has done a great job at staying atop of the political and social consciousness.
The Streets are Watching Everything Now
Sadly, writing details of all the Black people killed by officers of the law since Martin’s death would result in an entirely separate article.
However, the deaths of Martin, Brown and Garner helped create a culture in which folks automatically pull out their cell phones if they see police acting even slightly strange.
We’re now capturing all the horrible shit that went unseen, forcing an unprecedented level of accountability.
The Charlottesville Protest
The public response to Martin’s death doubtlessly aided in the rise of the “Alt-right,” which is a genteel title for Neo-Nazi scum.
Their little movement had its apex in the August 2017 “Unite the Right” rally, which was one of the most visible and naked organization of white supremacist hate in the United States this generation has witnessed.
The movement and its counter-protest resulted in tragedy when Neo-Nazi James Fields Jr. plowed his vehicle in a crowd, killing one and injuring dozens.
Kaepernick’s NFL Protest
When San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick started sitting during pregame performances of the National Anthem in 2016, he became the name and face of a movement that continues to this day.
Kaep has been blackballed from the NFL, which seems perfectly content to demonstrate that it’s unrepentant in its trash bag behavior.
He may not be making league dollars anymore, but he means so much more to so many more people now than he ever did as a quarterback
Reexamining the Confederate Flag
Dylann Roof claimed he was motivated in part by Martin when he stormed into a Black church in Charleston, N.C. and murdered nine people during prayer service in 2015.
Pictures of Roof posing with the rebel flag kicked off a national conversation regarding the anachronistic symbol of chattel slavery preservation that should’ve been buried eons ago.
The flag was removed from numerous public areas following the Charleston massacre, but we’re still working to kill it altogether, as is evidenced most recently by the cancellation of an event in Detroit involving the General Lee from Smokey and the Bandit.
The Election of Donald Trump
Anyone paying attention to the amount of general white outrage that came as a result of Barack Obama’s presidency and the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement wouldn’t think twice about acknowledging a knee-jerk reaction from Trump supporters.
White folks simply couldn’t tolerate the idea of being complicit in white supremacy or – *gasp!* – that they would be made to feel guilty in any way.
So they went 100 miles in the wrong damn direction and helped elect a lobotomy patient to run the free world.
Dustin J. Seibert is a native Detroiter living in Chicago. Miraculously, people have paid him to be aggressively light-skinned via a computer keyboard for nearly two decades. He loves his own mama slightly more than he loves music and exercises every day only so his French fry intake doesn’t catch up to him. Find him at his own site, wafflecolored.com.
I never made a secret of my being a Black Nationalist. But don’t get that confused with Donald Trump’s declaration that he is a white one. The Trumpster’s recent announcement was a clear signal that he supports White supremacy. White Nationalists subscribe to 45IQ’s agenda to “Make American Great Again,” means when Negroes knew their place, Hispanics were locked into second-class citizenship and women popped out babies left and right, and were silent.
In a nutshell, bring back apartheid!
Conversely, Black Nationalism is a philosophy of Black empowerment, prioritizing our community family—our village—over that of others, including political parties.
We’re not separatists, but we support Black institutions, village control of the institutions that impact our community, and Black economic development through support of those institutions.
As such, I bank at Columbia Savings; I use a Black plumber, electrician and carpenter. I try to make sure my Black dollar (earned from this Black business), touches three Black hands before it leaves our community.
Our agenda also means we support Black political candidates (unless they follow a different agenda). And even then, we provide voice, be-cause information and options equate to power, and an ill-informed com-munity will make myopic decisions. Or worse yet, fall for the political “Okie-Doke” in which we are pawns in a game we mistakenly think is checkers.
That’s why we featured Black Republican candidate Tim Roberts on the front page (above the fold, no less) in a recent edition. You may not agree with his philosophy, but he’s a brother nonetheless.
And this newspaper gives voice to the voiceless. That’s why the Black Press was created. We followed the motto of Russwurm and Cornish, founders of the Black press who declared: “we wish to plead our own cause…”
As such, we wouldn’t have a problem educating our family about the six Black women running for congress as Republicans, or dozens running on little known Black independent party tickets. None have been acknowledged by the major “silver rights organizations,” or White media and thus Black folks are denied an opportunity to ascertain their platforms or use it as leverage.
From a Black Nationalistic perspective, I look beyond labels and focus entirely on who can empower our village, or at the very least, address the issues of importance to us.
Being a Black Nationalist made it difficult for me to accept the status quo in Tuesday’s elections.
Not because the two main candidates’ positions were not clearly de-fined. But because neither of them addressed issues of encompassing importance to the Black community.
Both ignored the nation leading Black unemployment rate, or more specifically poverty index. There are 10,000 Black households earning less than $10,000 annually, meaning they must beg borrow or steal just to survive. Thousands are one check away from “three hots and a cot.”
Nor did incumbent Scott Walker or governor-elect Tony Evers ever mention racial profiling, the affordable housing crisis or the entrenchment of “educational apartheid” in Milwaukee.
Indeed, that latter issue provided me with a unique puzzle to sort out as I headed to the polls yesterday, as neither candidate talked about the most crucial issue facing Black Milwaukee: educational apartheid.
Black Nationalists fought for school choice, an empowering apparatus created by low-income Black and Hispanic parents to provide options to failing government schools.
Led by the late Black Nationalist Annette Polly Williams, the school choice crusade was intended to provide poor “minorities” the same options that Barack Obama (and most of those who oppose it for the poor) made for his children.
While Walker and Evers tried to convince voters that they were both the educational czar, and both noted outstate Wisconsin’s ranking on the national education scale, neither talked about the crisis in Milwaukee, where a 48% drop out rate for Black children originates from the lowest fourth and eighth grade reading proficiency rates in the United or Con-federate States of America.
Walker did support school choice, but his policies ignored the plight of those Black students who were left behind or attended ineffective schools or private schools accepting scholarships to the MPCP.
And Evers? He was head of the state department of Public Instruction for eight years, and in general, the plight of those attending government schools worsened, even as he expressed opposition to alternatives or re-forms.
And I don’t see that changing with his election as governor. Indeed, he declared he would reverse Walker policies and empower the teachers’ union (which has blocked every reform that would improve the quality of education, while blaming the children for their failures), and terminate school choice. That means 40,000 children will be denied the same options a majority of teachers enjoy—and utilize.
According to one national study, Milwaukee has the highest percent-age of public-school teachers who send their children to private schools. Yet, they fight for our children to seek options. Indeed, only the blind can’t see that opposition to school choice is not about the welfare of Black children, but instead controlling resources and the viability of MPS employment. Forcing the 40,000 children in private, charter and virtual schools to attend government schools will ensure jobs, which another study revealed is the 13th highest in the country. But are the results that high for Black children? How about the 13th lowest.
I was privy to a meeting recently of Black clergy who raised the ques-tion of the future inability of school choice under Evers’ leadership.
Many of the so-called choice sectarian schools are run by Black churches, providing students with not only a cultural foundation, but a value—God inspired—curriculum. Their schools provide not only education, but employment opportunities for thousands, safe havens for children, and an economic boon unequalled by any initiative in the state.
But the union hates them not only because they tout that BS about separation of church and state (the church was the first “public school” and the Bible was the first “text book” used in most government schools), but more so because they don’t know that the Fugitive Slave Act was rescinded.
We need to be truthful about what this debate is really about.
It’s not as much about the welfare of children as it is about dollars and “uncommon” sense.
If Black parents controlled the finances or had the wherewithal, most would exercise their options outside of the “educracy.” They would choose Messmer or Milwaukee Collegiate Academy or CTK over all but a few MPS schools.
Indeed, it speaks volumes that a recently released analyst by MPS showed less than 5% of North Division’s student population chose to attend there. Why? Because North is the worse school south of the Mason Dixon Line, which lynching victim and the late Black Holocaust Museum founder James Cameron once explained starts at the Canadian border.
Indeed, if this ongoing civil rights battle was truly about what’s best for poor and po’ Hue-man children—underachievement and miseducated—the union would have embraced and sup-ported the “school choice” proposal when it was first introduced by Milwaukee Public Schools Superin-tendent Robert Peterkin who sought a public/private partnership back in 1988.
Peterkin, who was run out of town by the union, made the mistake of acknowledging community schools like Harambee and Urban Day were educating “Hue-man”-children when MPS could—or would—not.
Polly Williams, herself a declared Black Nationalist, interceded when the union sabotaged Peterkin’s attempt, and supported by an impressive coalition of minority parents and activists, marched the MPCP bill though the legislative minefields where it was signed into law by the only Republican governor, Tommy Thompson to get over 40% of the Black vote.
Some of you (anti-choice folks) are tired of hearing me go off about school choice, Black empowerment and our being taken for granted by the party that ignores our loyalty to placate another special interest—the teachers union. So be it.
But I hope you can at least see clearly enough to realize we’re just pawns, whose agendas are always put on the back burner.
According to the union’s social media, Evers will restore (whatever that means) union influence and start an initiative to kill school choice.
That’s good for the union members, but where will it leave the thousands of Black children who attend the successful private schools. What will that mean for Black parents who chose what they consider safe environments, schools that are grounded in religious values (it’s about prayer vs. preyed) or with cultural foundations that catapult our students to greatness.
I support several of Evers’ initiatives including reducing prison “enrollment” (Wisconsin has the highest Black male prison rate in the country), raising the minimum wage, and more money for education (I have always supported public schools, where most of our children attend, but I don’t support the educracy and decry what is obviously a system of apartheid that leaves most—MOST—of our children undered-ucated and feeding disenfranchisement and criminal-ity).
But unlike far too many African Americans, I put our people’s interest before that of any other special interest, political party or economic system.
Moreover, I’m a Black Nationalist, which means I am preparing myself for what the future will bring. Whether the new administration will follow the philosophy of the two President Johnsons who led this country—L.B. or Andrew.